PAP, from people’s advancement to pro-alien

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PAP, from people’s advancement to pro-alien

In 1959, the PAP (People’s Action Party) was a achieved people’s advancement in socio-economic development. From 1984 onwards, the PAP regime promoted productivity to rely less on foreign workers. In 1990, the PAP promoted a Next Lap vision with immigration as a complement to make up for falling births.

More fast-track career path elite dominated the regime. They were excited about tapping the supposed talent pool of foreign talent around the world. In early 1993, the pro-PAP mainstream media heaped praise on Mr Sim Wong Hoo. He was perhaps Singapore’s only truly home-grown international entrepreneur.

The fast-trackers wanted to become Mr Sim in the fastest time. Under their unique style, they actively turned the workplace into a mini-United Nations (UN) at all levels. They reasoned if this would enhance Singapore’s global competitiveness and greater pay cheques for everyone, including themselves.

There was a huge increase in SPRs (Singapore Permanent Residencies) and citizenships. The beneficiaries included Temasek Review’s future favourite foreign talent Mr Sinha Shehkar. He became a citizen in 1994 at the age of 25 without having to perform National Service (NS). NS was military conscription or its equivalent for male citizens and certain SPRs.

More foreign students entered into the mainstream higher educational institutes such as NUS (National University of Singapore) and NTU (Nanyang Technological University). They were mainly concentrated in Engineering and Information Technology. Some received financial assistance from the PAP regime.

With the fast trackers’ promotion, these students soon had a rewarding career and SPR without serving NS. Some later assisted the PAP regime to bring in more foreigners between the ages of 21 and 35.

The supposed foreign talents had a future exit strategy for themselves and for their sons to legally avoid NS. The PAP regime knew about of NS avoidance but kept quiet as it gradually saw another value for immigrants. More naturalized citizens (about 7000 per year during the 1990s) meant political value.

The PAP regime was upset with certain younger home-grown locals’ interest in a 2 party system since the 1991 GE (General Election). The PAP repackaged itself as a party of both home-grown citizens and foreign immigrants. The fast-trackers wanted to maintain absolute political dominance at home.

After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, 45 year old lesser-educated workers became the 1^st group of locals to lose their jobs. Requests for an immigration slowdown were rejected by the PAP regime. It emphasized retraining for reemployment but it was of limited use so long the massive immigration inflow continued.

During the regular wage rises from 1986 to 1996, many local workers benefited and assumed more good years. Some spent much of their money on eating, drinking and touring. After 1997, no 25-year-old high flyer in the civil bureaucracy wanted to spend much time on 45 year old obese and demoralized ex-workers.

A second elimination wave occurred to 45 year old senior managers from 1999 to 2000. In 1998, PAP legislator and NUS lecturer Dr Tan Boon Wan (http://theonlinecitizen.com/2010/11/immigration-still-an-issue-12-years-on/) asked the Cabinet to define foreign talent in employment and career advancement.

The PAP regime became contradictory. It told locals to aim for high advancement while describing high-aspiring locals as pampered and choosy. It claimed there were chronic shortages of well-paid talents while emphasizing foreigners were brought in for low-paying jobs which locals were said to have avoided.

Nonstop and systematic glorification of foreigners by the PAP shaped the organizational mindset. Foreigners were employed and promoted at all levels, functions and sectors because they were foreigners. The employing organizations saw them as better, faster and sometimes cheaper. Improving productivity was nice but it took time. The massive inflow provided instant solutions.

Younger critics had little effect as they were in the minority in their age group. Many youngsters were still having good careers in both public and private sectors and did not care. Some such as Ms Jessica Tan (Information Technology) and Mr Teo Ser Luck (Logistics) would join the PAP regime.

In 1998, the TFR dropped below 1.5. According to the pro-PAP mainstream media, this was a sign that efforts to increase births had failed. The fast—trackers became more inclined to see immigration not just as a complement but a strategic portfolio. Massive immigration created a vicious cycle with less resident births.

While Dr Tan was voicing his concerns, NUS was planning for the next strategic initiative. In 2000-2001, his big boss,newly-installed Vice-Chancellor and President Professor Shih Choon Fong announced the formation of a NUS global knowledge enterprise. By 2005, NUS no longer resembled Singaporean.

The only barrier left was the 2001 GE. Young PAP leader Dr Vivian Balakrishnan talked about reaching out to the younger generation. Within the wider context, this also included the younger foreign immigrants. The PAP had a massive victory with 75.2% of the valid vote.

During the 2002 National Day rally speech, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong criticized unhappy emigrating locals and described them as quitters. The PAP transformation into the Pro Alien Party was complete.

Grey Hippo

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